Abstract: L’assenza di un equivalente del verbo ‘essere’ indoeuropeo in lingua araba, in particolare della copula e di una corrispondenza completa delle flessioni temporali del verbo ‘essere’, pone problemi di ordine ontologico oltre che linguistico. La resa del verbo ‘essere’ nella traduzione di un testo indoeuropeo in lingua araba è dunque oggetto di numerose discrepanze. La lingua araba ricorre a sinonimi, equivalenti, perifrasi e traduzioni complesse per poter esprimere un equivalente di ‘essere’. La traduzione di espressioni quali è, non è, essere, c’è, essente, etc., non si ottiene coniugando e flettendo un verbo ‘essere’ arabo, ma è necessario ricorrere a verbi diversi, particelle, pronomi ed elementi che nulla hanno a che vedere con un verbo ‘essere’ inteso in senso indoeuropeo. Le traduzioni in lingua araba degli scritti di Aristotele pongono dunque numerosi problemi traduttivi ed interpretativi che coinvolgono analisi linguistica e riflessione sulla reale equivalenza o meno dei discorsi ontologici. Per comprendere la resa del verbo ‘essere’ nelle traduzioni arabe di Aristotele ed i problemi ontologici ad essa collegati, si analizza dapprima la definizione che Aristotele dà di verbo nel De interpretatione, per poi analizzare la traduzione in italiano, greco ed arabo del capitolo 3 (16b 6-25). Si affronta poi un secondo caso studio analizzando un passo delle Categorie (Cat., 3, 1 b 10-15). Si espone in particolare una raccolta di tutte le rese del verbo ‘essere’ in lingua araba con particolare riferimento a casi studio tratti dalle traduzioni arabe di Aristotele di Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn.
Abstract: This paper aims to demonstrate that the concept of responsibility (Verantwortungsbegriff) it is always indispensable in the ethical and political field. Responsibility is founded on the human freedom to choose good and evil, and therefore I have tried to argue favour of a philosophy of freedom, which is the theoretical basis of a socially inspired liberalism. Social liberalism (also known as modern liberalism in the United States, and left liberalism in Germany) is a political ideology and a variety of liberalism that endorses a regulated free market economy and the expansion of civil and political rights.
Abstract: Within the literary production of Alberto Blest Gana (1830-1920), the novel Martín Rivas, published as a serial-story in the Santiago newspaper La voz de Chile between May and July 1862, analyze a key motive of the Chilean narrative, which is repeated –even if with different nuances– from the first manifestations of realism to the so-called “literature of decrepitude” well into the sixties of the twentieth century. We are alluding to the representation of dichotomous separation between social classes through the description of physical spaces inhabited and used by citizens. The novel, whose full title is Martín Rivas. Novel of political and social customs, shows the will of its author to describe all the components of the national social mosaic and to represent the hierarchical structure in force in the mid-twentieth century. Our objective is to highlight how Blest Gana uses the description of the social landscape of the urban environment of Santiago as an instrument to reflect the binarism that opposes “those from above” to “those from below”, through two axes of the capital topography. On the one hand, the author suggests a first opposition related to the interior social landscapes: the one facing the lavish halls of the rich bourgeoisie (for which the author often uses the term “aristocracy”) to the humble abodes of the class defined as medio pelo (intermediate social class standing between the high bourgeoisie and the popular class). On the other hand, the novel reflects a second opposition related to the external social landscapes: it presents the different modes and uses of appropriation that the two classes make of the public spaces (especially the parks) destined to the representation of parties and ceremonies.
Abstract: The thesis of the article is to explain how space is a constructed theory and not a substantive object. The space is not absolute, is not a place where there are bodies, but is a human construction from the extentions of bodies. Due to bodies are spaciously, we can configurete space like their relations. Its geometry structure is a rational construction above this metaphysical and fundamental spatial relation. But thise is not the same as Kant, it is like Zubiri: space is a construction above a metaphysical structure of bodies respectivety, not a pure form of our human structure. It is a rational construction, not intuitive, not from sensibility, but a construction beyond all percepcion: it is a postulation.
Abstract: After a brief introduction about the problem of leopardian sources, I wish to introduce here a description of the diffusion of Addison’s theories about the Imagination in Italy at the time of Leopardi, trying to highlight their influence on his thinking and his philosophy. The third chapter is dedicated to the analysis of an important excerpt of the Zibaldone where Leopardi quotes Addison and his Catone to introduce an interesting reflection about the pleasure of beauty and the role of imagination, almost as a way to face Addison issues. This excerpt represents an occasion to compare the theories of Addison and Leopardi about Aesthetics and also the similarities and the differences between them. The last part of the paper is dedicated to the results of the analysis and the conclusions.
Abstract: This article analyzes Nietzsche’s critique of the metaphysical concept of freedom throughout his works, from Human, All Too Human (1878) to On the Genealogy of Morality (1887) and Twilight of the Idols (1888). It argues that, in criticizing the metaphysical concept of freedom, Nietzsche aims to target the metaphysical concept of substance that lies at its core. Substance is Nietzsche’s real target: while declaring men free, metaphysics actually makes them unfree by conceiving of them as substantial beings. Men are regarded as an unchanging essence, a substance with fixed intentions, from which actions emerge independently from each other in a kind of creatio ex nihilo. In light of its substantial conception of men’s being, metaphysics deprives men of the freedom to develop their character, personality and ultimately of the freedom to become masters of their own destiny.
Abstract: Il profondo senso in cui l’identità della cosa con se stessa e dell’Io con se stesso sia una sorta di duplicità, e quale sia il ruolo questa duplicità dell’identità costituisce il tema a cui è dedicato questo articolo. Partendo dal concetto platonico dello heteron tou herou e della sua specifica interpretazione hegeliana per cui l’altro in se stesso è l’altro di se stesso e quindi l’altro dell’altro, intendiamo mostrare come questo principio logico, ontologico e semantico, che unisce strettamente l’identità e la differenza, nei suoi diversi significati della identità numerica o della cosa singola con se stessa, distinta perciò dall’identità del genere e della specie, possa essere applicato al rapporto personale dalla coscienza con l’autocoscienza, quindi al rapporto sociale del riconoscimento, e a quello etico e politico. É l’alterità che l’Io scopre all’interno di se stesso, come rapporto originario del Sé (Selbst) individuale a quello universale, e di soggetto agente e paziente, che porta al superamento dell’alterità dell’altro, tanto da riuscire a vedere non l’altro da se stesso, ma l’altro di se stesso, il suo stesso altro, che è però non semplicemente un rapporto dialogico di domanda e risposta, di comprensione e di dialogo, ma di accettazione dell’altro che è la piena realizzazione di noi stessi
Abstract: In this article, we want to analyse the so-called transhumanist theory and its impact on the modernity and the man’s life. We will therefore point out how transhumainst practicals can influence everyday life. This study concerns three mains points: we will present the modern situation with regard of these theories, their impact on the conception of the maternity and lastly we will analyse the case of these theories applied to reproduction.
Abstract: Starting from the analysis of some uses of the concepts of ‘crisis’ and ‘conflicts’ (which work as key-concepts in Paul Ricoeur’s “philosophy of the limit”) we grasp an intertwined relationship between the historical and critical dimension of modernity on the one hand, and the psychological and sociological dimension concerning human emancipation on the other. Ricoeur’s philosophy of the ‘capable human being’ reveals how human identity is dialectically connected with historical and social progress, and reversibly, how human’s emancipation influences the life world in terms of social progress. To overcome the limits constitutes the key-passage for human emancipation as well as for social progress.
Abstract: This essay, from John Locke to John Stuart Mill, focuses on the development of the liberal tradition in politics. Much in the history of Liberalism was a set of important challenges to Hobbes’s emphasis on the necessity of an absolute sovereign. John Locke, for instance, argued for a limited sovereignty of which people were the true repository. But, the main problem of liberals was how to protect the right to the unlimited accumulation of private property basing, at the same time, their claims to liberty on the fundamental equality of all individuals. On the other hand, democrats had the problem of how to reach the right of all individuals to determine their lives where all possibilities of material well-being and progress were based on private property. For Mill, Liberalism needed Democracy. First, it needed Democracy for ethical reasons and, secondly, to avoid the total disaffection of the lower classes, the majority. His theory – affected by Bentham’s thought – is not based, like that of Hobbes or Locke, on the idea of certain inherent natural rights of the individual, but upon the doctrines of Utilitarianism. In Bentham’s view the obstacles to good government were the sinister interests of the ruling classes. In a democracy the ruling few could only further the interests of the whole community, because there were different kinds of institutional arrangements that limited the power of the rulers. Bentham thought that the rulers could still further their sinister interest even if there was a separation of powers and the good government was guaranteed only if the rulers followed the will of the people. The balanced constitution was the traditional answer to this problem, but Mill proved, that it would not work: the only way to guarantee good government was to create a system where the people elected their representatives. The chief mechanism for keeping the elected representatives in check was to have a short interval between elections.